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A Rejection of Spain’s Sepharad (pt.5)

Part 5/5

commissioned by Mozaika journal 

 

Conclusion: Spain’s Dual Movements Lead to an Impassé

Spain has an awkward relationship with its past. The lamentable restoration of Cadiz’s Castello de Matrea is no exception.

A stupefied journalist from the Guardian explains the reconstruction process of the tower ‘in which new materials have been used to protect older stones’.  The writer quotes the project analysis from locals: “They’ve cocked it up.”

Although the institutions set up in the name of Spain’s Jewish community are presented as testaments to the government’s reformed approach to the group, they go like the Castello de Matrea: new facades, protecting and disguising old social dynamics. 

To answer the question of why the Spanish Government’s approach to its Jewish community has remained ineffective despite the vision outlined by its stated purpose, two wider historical contexts should be grappled with.

The first views the present-day relationship between the Government and Judaism in Spain, as perpetuating the problems that have existed for over 300 years.

Sephardic Jews have habitually popped up in the viewfinder of the Spanish government, but only when they could be put to use.

Alfons Argoneses’s paper, following his pioneering archival research, outlines how Spain’s Law of Return was rife with motifs of this timeworn relationship.

Political structures accustomed to profiting from minority groups are difficult to dismantle, especially with steadfast anti-Semitism and a lack of vocal Jewish opposition.

The more recent context within which Spain’s current approach of Judaism can be understood, begins in 1975 with the death of Franco.

The way the nation has processed their Francoist past, is analogous to their tackling of their Jewish history.

The method of dealing with the past in question, has endured across the course of Spain’s democracy, and is largely practised by Conservative leaders.

If it begins with stating the nation’s seamless progression to a democracy in 1975, then it transitions to refuting that the devisions from the regime are still alive and ends by denying that the lack of accounting for such unsolved problems affects emerging groups in the present.

Today, PP officials will deny any request for trials of the past due to the equal guilt of both sides of the fight, while separatist regions only distract from Spain’s true identity as a unified nation.

This version of the past is actively protected. ‘The Pact of Forgetting’ prevents trials addressing crimes under Franco, while school history textbooks are censored from telling a unified vision of history and Independence referendums are blocked.

Such an approach, all in the name of Spain’s liberal democracy, presents an obvious conflict with the fulfilment of this identity. Spain’s national identity is pestered by a past withheld a burial.

The inauthenticity of this progression from the past is shown through the continuities that linger on in the present, which in turn re-enflames historic problems. 

Right and left parties still likened to the political functioning of Franco’s regime. 

During the recession of 2008, Podemos was quick to draw parallels between Francoist politicians and the corruption scandals which permeated the PP.

The historian Jaume Muñoz Jofre embeds ‘the incessant rhythm with which corruption cases are uncovered in recent years’ within a history of autocratic political ruling which extends even beyond Franco. These deeply embedded power dynamics had not been publicly vilified.

Furthermore, with the PP’s monolithic imposition of Spain’s national unity, younger generations petition for the same Independence fought for under Franco.

This October, Spanish tanks have been promised on the streets to prevent Catalonians from voting. What, one may ask, are the recent raids and arrests of Catalonian officials by the Spanish police reminded the press of?

The parallels of the Government’s approach to their Jewish history, and the problems this creates in the present are many.

First, the official approach to recent history denies Spain’s complicity with the Holocaust, and wrongly positions Franco as supporting Jewish survival.

The lack of official archival research into this period, and the continual emitting of recently unfavourable parts of history, including the immigration of Jews from Morocco following Independence, must be addressed for any official progression from the past to take place.

These parts of history need institutional representation, and will help contextualise the presence of Spain’s 40,000 Jews in a more relatable history than the Medieval Era.

Spain’s national historiographic machine cannot continue to incorporate chosen epochs of the past into the current national identity.

A progression from the past that is truly authentic must be earned through action – it is not purely symbolic.

The Government’s, and especially the PP’s, utilisation of the nation’s Jewish history to suit their diplomatic and economic ends is a clear evocation of the past. Such practises have stilted the development of the position and understanding of Jews within society.

The government institutions, deconstructed through this series (link to main index) of articles, should be the first site of reform: From a cultural centre built with an independent identity from Israel, to more Jewish and specialist collaboration, to museums that promote the parts of history which have not yet been told to a wider audience.

With the continuance of these systemic problems, Spain will be continuously dragged into the past.

The shocked reaction from the media when the list of the 6,000 names of Jews which Franco intended to send to Hitler in 1942, which was only discovered last year, is a good example.

With multiple platforms for alternative voices existing outside of Government institutions, it is not difficult for the distance between the reality, and the presented reality, to grow. The PP’s asserts that the wounds of the ‘civil war are healed’, grating against the reality of Spain’s rising nationalist movements.

It’s embarrassing. Spain gets pulled back into the past, in the act of “moving forward”.

The fight against anti-Semitism, and the furthering of the understanding of Jewish people and their history in Spain, can no longer be left to Jewish communities.

This is a national problem, not just a Jewish problem. It needs a solution on a parallel scale, with the visibility and support of government-backed institutions.

The Fists of Brexit

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‘It really annoys me when people intellectualise this and start talking about figures and polls..when we tell you racism isn’t an academic thing its a lived experience..why are we not listening to the visible minorities in this country, Polish people are being attacked, they’ve said so so I can not see why people are denying it’

– Comedian Ava Vidal on Channel 4 news

‘In its purest form, a newspaper consists of a collection of facts which, in controlled circumstances, can actively improve knowledge. Unfortunately, facts are expensive, so to save costs and drive up sales, unscrupulous dealers often “cut” the basic contents with cheaper material, such as wild opinion, bullshit, empty hysteria’

– Charlie Brooker for the Guardian

‘migrants have been weaponised to stoke fear and get out the vote for the leave campaign’

– Akwugo Emejulu, Senior Lecturer at the University of Edinburgh

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A faith in the images painted by Leave campaigners lead to the championing of faulty statistics, silencing the reality they worked to stifle. The pressures on the public sector were placed on the shoulders of immigrants, allowing the impacts of the Conservatives’ austerity cuts to hide behind misrepresented figures. Murdoch’s Sun failed to mention what Britain gains in return for its ‘350m’ weekly EU fee. The false promise to redirect this fee into the NHS circulated around Britain faster than Farages’ UKIP campaign bus could. The picture of Britain forged by the Leave campaigners was erected through the muting of the points of view that the movement worked to attack.

To move through shock at the vote to Leave and accept that Britain’s identity is inseparable from its racist, homophobic and xenophobic past is to address the challenges of the present. Within national crisis it is people of colour, the LGBTQ and migrant community that suffer the most. The rapid succession of headlines deflect from the testimonies of those who have suffered attacks. Attention is easily tethered to the broader political spectrum. Leadership resignations, the revelation of lies, the fluctuation of the economic market distract from the need to openly condemn and show solidarity against the rise of fascist sentiments in real time. The ‘Go Home’ message scrawled on the Polish Social and Cultural Association and the petrol bomb destroying the Kashmir Meat and Poultry in Walsall happened within 3 days of one another.

The momentum of the Leave vote was fuelled by a black and white monologue – headlines clenching fists and providing the rhetorical ammunition for racist attacks. Marches, protests, conversations, questions and as Ava Vidal stresses, listening, will form a voice to counter the shouts of Britain’s rising fascists.

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.March for Europe 2/7/’16

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