Posted on July 21, 2019
commissioned by Haaretz
At first glance, the 92-year-old man sitting in a Parisian apartment and clutching a book to his chest does not look in the least bit like the hero at the center of a tale of a high-stakes escape.
However, this is exactly who Clement Behar was: The unsung savior of Cairo’s Jews, who risked his own life to rescue members of the community from persecution in the 1940s and 1950s.
Forty-six years later, his story is still emerging from obscurity – Behar, formerly known as Chehata, has published a memoir in which he revealed how he helped release scores of Jews from Cairo’s prisons. The self-published oeuvre, titled “A Story of a Life with a Difference,” came out in 2003.
Born in 1925, Behar grew up in the Egyptian capital at a time when the city was a Jewish, Muslim and Christian cosmopolis. Joining his father’s prospering electrical business at 15, he was propelled to Egypt’s elite social circles. As a teen, he saw anti-colonial movements gain more traction shortly after the British Empire granted nominal independence to his homeland in 1922.
His family, much like many other Egyptian Jews, enjoyed financial and social success. But in 1948 matters took a turn for the worse: Israel was established as an independent state after Jewish militants defeated the British Mandate of Palestine. A day later, on May 15, the War of Independence broke out. The young country survived the invasion of five Arab nations which opposed Jews taking over Arab lands. It even gained control over more territories, sparking a deep anti-Jewish sentiment in the region.
At the time, Egypt was home to 80,000 Jews who resided there for three millennia, with some immigrating from Europe since the late 19th century. Despite their stature, the country’s Jews were put in a precarious position over their alleged loyalty to Israel. Many of them perceived themselves as more Egyptian than Jewish, and rejected calls by Egypt’s growing ethnonationalist circle to leave.
The calls quickly escalated into violence. One infamous incident is the Balfour Day riots, which took place in November 1945. They began as anti-Jewish demonstrations on the 28th anniversary of the Balfour Declaration, but quickly turned into altercations in which five Egyptian Jews were killed and hundreds were injured. In 1948, the riots worsened. Hundreds were murdered, Jewish synagogues were burned down and Jewish areas in the country were bombed. Many Jews were jailed, often on suspicion that they had spied for Israel.
This is when Behar’s operation was set in motion. “Every day, officers arrested young Jewish people, and their families came to see me and enlist my help,” he wrote in his memoir.
‘Obliged to help the Jews’
In 1953 the Egpytian Republic was born, and gave rise to a national socialist president – Gamal Abdel Nasser. Egypt was finally freed from the British occupation, but the Jewish community only suffered from these developments. The Pan-Arabist movement continued to grow under Nasser, and Jews were seen as an obstacle to its goal: Uniting all Arab nations into a single state. By 1950, 40 percent of Egyptian Jews fled. “I felt morally obliged to help the Jews,” Behar told Haaretz.
He began to do so, using his close friendship with a high-ranking police officer named El Hamichari. Behar negotiated the release of imprisoned Jews through “gifts and bribes.” Dressed neatly and wearing a traditional fez, the young Behar easily entered and left Cairo’s police stations, where he was often mistaken for an officer thanks to his command of Egyptian Arabic.
The Jewish community continued to shrink. 14,000 Jews had escaped to Israel, while others sought refuge in different countries. Egypt’s chief rabbi also became a target. In his memoir, Behar wrote that in 1954 President Nasser sent Rabbi Nahoum Effendi a “poisoned invitation.”
To mobilize anti-Israel sentiment, Effendi was called on to give a speech publicly denouncing the Jewish state. The rabbi “prayed that he would be spared the ordeal,” Behar wrote, but was powerless to decline the invitation.
Behar decided to save the rabbi. He enlisted the help of a daring Jewish hospital manager, Dr. Bensimmon, who prescribed medication for the rabbi as well as “a very strict diet which made him actually unwell.” The national papers reported that Effendi was very ill and could not attend the event. Behar wrote about the chief rabbi’s gratitude. “May God keep you near me to have you by my side in difficult times,” he told Behar.
The prison escape
Behar continued his operations to aid the Jewish community in its plight, but eventually his luck ran out. Egyptian police caught him smuggling money out of the country for the chief rabbi’s son. As he waited for his trial, Behar wrote a letter to his wife Dorette and their four children. He begged them to flee Egypt immediately. After he was sentenced to six years of hard labor behind bars, Behar “decided to escape there and then.”
In his memoir, Behar wrote that he wore civilian clothing prior to his trial. Exploiting his attire and the prison’s shortage of guards, he made his big escape. “I went downstairs, I walked to the prison gates and just walked out of prison,” he recollected.
From there, Behar bolted to a Christian monastery where he sought cover with the help of a monk he befriended when the latter paid visits to the prison. Behar wrote that for 18 months he was on the run. “I shaved my moustache. I work dark glasses and started running in all directions, incognito, to find a way of escape. I would return to the monastery at night,” he wrote.
After close to two years at large, Behar acquired a false Lebanese identity card under the name Sami Refaat Abdul Hadi. His cover story was that he was Muslim businessman. “I knew Arabic perfectly well. No one would have suspected that I was Jewish,” Behar wrote. Later, he was aided by a high-ranking police officer named Captain Said Nached, who sheltered him in his home until he was finally able to board a flight to Damascus.
Longing for Egypt
In 1956, Behar moved on from Syria to Lebanon. He was able to seek shelter there because Beirut and Cairo were political enemies at the time – then-Lebanese President Camille Chamoun, a Christian Maronite, was seriously opposed to Nasser’s Pan Arabism.
As a political refugee, Behar resided in the magisterial mansion of the president’s secretary for several months. He also managed to obtain a Lebanese passport. “After being sheltered in a monastery, I was familiar with all the prayers and Christian traditions. I was very much in need of that in the circle I was mixing in at that time,” he related in the memoir.
Later, Baher was able to secure a visa from Switzerland and made his way to France, where his wife and sons were living. In 1958 he arrived in a northern suburb of Paris as an illegal refugee, where at long last he reunited with his family. “‘They are all here! In the twinkling of an eye, I had forgotten everything: Jail, my walkabout, my nightmares.”
Speaking to Haaretz decades after his fugitive journey ended, Behar teared up when he talked about Egypt. Asked how he felt about his exile from his native land, Behar responded: “I spent at least 25 years locked up inside myself because of leaving Egypt, my roots and identity. It took me that long to accept that I live in Europe.” Despite the many years he spent in France, Behar said that he still felt more “Egyptian and Arab than Jewish.”
Six months after our interview, Behar passed away in October 2017. He did not hear of Egyptian President Abdel-Fattah al-Sissi’s surprising recent overture in which he offered to build synagogues in Egypt should members of the Jewish community choose to return. Behar himself only went back to Egypt once in 1980. In his memoir he wrote of a walk along Cairo’s Jewish quarter, where he found “the synagogue which had fallen to pieces… All I had was a blow to the heart.” He told Haaretz that his feeling was that he “returned as a tourist.”
Writing the memoir helped Behar accept his journey, but he remained ambivalent about his homeland until his death. His is a tale of triumph; it is also a story of bitterness and longing, which linger with may other Jews who were forced to flee their Middle Eastern homes a century ago.
Posted on January 11, 2018
Published for Jewish Renaissance Journal
After a 400-year vacuum, Judaism has reappeared on the Iberian Peninsula in unexpected ways. Spanish institutions have proudly united medieval Sephardi identity with a modern Spanish identity. Meanwhile, Catalan institutions recently asserted that their medieval Jewish communities had a separate Catalan identity.
In the 1990s the Spanish government revived an interest in Sephardi history and formed La Red de Juderias, a multi-million-euro Jewish tourism network. Spain’s Jewish archaeological sites were renovated and archives digitised to rediscover this unknown legacy. ‘Spanish’ and ‘Sephardi’ became interchangeable terms in the Red’s publications.
The pluralism of the medieval La Convivencia – an era of intellectual symbiosis between Muslims, Jews and Christians – was reimagined as being the foundation of Spain’s current progressive identity. The act of connecting modern Spain with the past was a precursor to the 2015 Law of Return for Sephardi Jews. The introduction of the law can be seen as an attempt to diversify Spain’s national image.
But which Spain? Medieval Spain was built by Jews, Muslims and Christians who coexisted under La Convivencia. The Catholic, Castilian Spain that followed, whose foundations support today’s nation, has little to do with this history. The Law of Return requires proof of the applicant’s ‘special connection’ to Spain through a Spanish language and culture test. Most Right of Return laws, such as those of Germany or Poland, do not require this.
Alfons Aragoneses, head of law at Barcelona’s Pompeu Fabra University, questions the historical accuracy of Spain’s identification with Sephardi Jews: “Spain did not exist before 1492, but the law supposes that the Sephardim were conscious of belonging to Spain and that they were always nostalgic for Spain. Spain did not exist until the 19th century!” At least, the Spain that formed after the 1492 union of the Castilian and Aragonese Crown did not exist when the Sephardim lived on the Peninsula.
Catalonia too has been weaving nationalistic threads into its Jewish past. Tessa Calders, the daughter of the renowned Republican exile Pere Calders, has been calling for the current interpretation of Jewish medieval history to be revised and the adapted version to be recognised in any representation of Jewish history. “The Jews were kicked out of Spain and lost memory of their Catalan identity. Now Spain has reinvented their past,” says Calders, who is a lecturer in Hebrew at the University of Barcelona. She believes the Jews living in northern Spain before the expulsion were not Sephardi but were Catalonian.
This pro-Catalan understanding of history has been embraced by Catalonia’s regional governments: in 2016, five municipalities split from the Red de Juderias to create a new tourism network, the Xarxa de Calls. Jusep Boya is the head of Museums for Catalonia and the manager of this new organisation. In his office off Barcelona’s Las Ramblas, he envisaged the new network as a vehicle for Catalonia’s reconnection with its Jewish history. “We cannot comprehend Catalonia without the Jewish culture which is attached to the very soul of Catalonia,” he said.
Pancracio Celdrán, a former professor of medieval history at Haifa University, disputes that there was a conscious 15th-century Catalan identity. “These medieval ‘Catalan Jewries’ were really the Jews of the Kingdom of Aragon, not of Catalonia.” Others say that Catalonian nationhood only developed in the 19th century.
With only 40,000 Jews in Spain today, the groups who should have a platform to challenge these revisions of history have no representational power. Most of those involved in the departments for Jewish tourism in both governments are not Jewish and have little specialisation in the history of Jews living in Spain. The situation needs addressing: Spain was ranked the third most antisemitic country in Europe in a 2014 survey. Instead of politicising Sephardi identity for their own narratives, isn’t it time for both sides to let the Sephardim delineate their own ancestral past?
Posted on September 19, 2017
A Catalan Independence march last November, by Barcelona’s Placa Espana.
A Spanish patriot in Barcelona on the 12th of October, The National Day of Spain.
A political pero in Barcelona on the 12th of October, The National Day of Spain (Pro-Spanish unity march)
A Catalan Independence march last November, by Barcelona’s Placa Espana.
Posted on March 7, 2016
Juan Morales was born on the ranch he now runs, Panagea Estancia. As a boy, he rode two hours on horse back everyday to a one-room school house overlooking acres of grassland. His two daughters might start riding there as well, if he and his partner Suzanne decide to send them there instead of the local town’s boarding school. Juan was taught in a class of thirty pupils, but four decades later, there are only three pupils. With one class for different age groups, Juan and Suzanne decide between the quality of their daughters’ education and sustaining a school that allows the children of neighbouring Gauchos to remain at home. Since the 1950’s, there has been a migration of rural workers to over-crowded cities and the school is testament to their stories
Uruguay, on the map, is a fish swimming peacefully between two sharks, Argentina and Brazil. With a population of under three and half million, change could be wrought quickly. José Alberto, Uruguay’s previous president, fought with left-wing urban guerrilla group Tupamaros in the 60’s – robbing banks to give money to Montevideo’s poorest. You wouldn’t see him in the Legislative Palace wearing a three-piece suit because he donated 90% of his monthly wage to charity. In his last presidential term, he passed the experimental legalisation of Marijuana to combat the street drug Pasta Base, a by-product of Cocaine. With the effects of this law yielding mixed opinions, the new leftist president Tabaré Vázquez is radically developing Uruguay’s environmental footprint, and as of 2015, 95% of the country’s energy is supplied by renewable sources.
However, in the less developed North, the working conditions of many Gauchos resemble their distant ancestors’. Juan becomes impassioned when discussing Gaucho’s lack of a fridge in the summer, or their lack of running water. A Gaucho all his life, he began accepting travellers to his Estancia fifteen years ago with the intent of sharing a manner of life he fears is depleting. Gauchos figure less than 3% of the population. Without a growth in rural workers, there is little Government incentive to extend electrical grids to the most isolated parts of the North. Above all Juan hopes for the modernisation and expansion of rural work, even if this threatens the preservation of the traditional Gaucho lifestyle he has grown up with. He feels that Vázquez overlooks the potential of rural work as a mode to tackle poverty, unemployment and drug abuse within Uruguay’s cities. I interviewed Juan last August to find out more about his concerns:
Would you say Gauchos in Uruguay have similar political views to one another?
I would say that most Gauchos share the same philosophy and attitude regarding everything in life and this includes politics, yes. In Uruguay, under 5% of the population live in the countryside. Out of this percentage, around 3% are Gauchos. We are in 2015 now, and you go to visit any ranch in the North of Uruguay and people are still living like they are living half a century ago – exactly the same. If you go to the ranches in Northern Uruguay, no one has electricity – no one has running water. I am lucky, I have a generator and a fridge. I just complain about the Gauchos that live in the darkness. I am speaking for the Gauchos that do not have a voice.
Near the Brazilian border?
Uruguay is split in two, by the Rio Negro (black river). You have the South – quite developed, and you have the North, where we are. Since most owners of the land do not live in their farms, they live in the cities. They go to their ranches in the weekend – we call them ‘weekend Gauchos’ they go to take a look and then come back to the city.
Do they have workers there?
Yes, living there. They do not care at all about the conditions of the Gauchos living there. That is why there are Gauchos living in 2015 – they live with candles and no running water and no decent roads and no mobile coverage. The thing is that most of them have been living like this for their whole life – they do not know any different.
And there’s not resentment from them towards Uruguay’s urbanisation?
The thing is that, the Gaucho life is so hard and tough – and demanding, that there is not a place for resentment. They do not have time or energy to go to these feelings. They have to survive in a very harsh, hard environment all of the time.
Do you think rural work is a viable solution to the abuse of Pasta Base in the cities?
It would be a huge step. As the book of Martin Fierro says; “muchos vicios nacen del ocio” (many vices arise during leisure). But you need to create a new mentality with programs that try to integrate the rural population with the urban one. In Uruguay the rural and urban population do not know each other – they are pulling in different directions.
If a higher percentage of the countryside was electrified, would be a growth of new Estancias?
Absolutely! We need people in the countryside, For God’s sake! 2015 without electricity! It is amazing. And our government claims that Uruguay is the most electrified country in Latin America. They say that 95% of the people have electricity. Yes, correct, 95% have electricity. But if you consider the countryside, I would say that 75% of the countryside does not have electricity. The government’s percentage is about size, not about numbers of people. This small percentage does not matter to politicians.
Does rural work offer better economic prospects than lower paid jobs in the city? Do you think the government should encourage more Uruguayans to work in the rural sector?
Correct. Uruguay is a rural based economy, and needs more people working in rural areas – every day it is more difficult to find hands. All those people living on the favelas outskirts of Uruguayan cities are a “waste” of human resources, in a country with a chronic shortage of them.
Do Gauchos get a proper education in your opinion?
Everybody has been to school, state school. It is compulsory. You do not get many things if you have not been in school. To get to the Gaucho school near here, it is 7km. Start early in the morning with a horse, and when you go there, you get the feeling of what the children feel when going to school. Every day on horseback, they ride to school, over rivers. Some of them for hours!
Do you think that if there is no increase in electricity within the next 20 years, that there will be a gradual decline in new generations of Gauchos?
Yes, exactly, that is a good way to put things in perspective. If we keep it the same way, there will be a moment when there are no Gauchos at all, because no one, only very old people, will be living in the countryside.
So Gaucho culture is dying out.
Nobody wants to live in the countryside, you don’t have a fridge! Imagine from November to March, 25 degrees – without a fridge! If the government invested in resources to bring the slums of the cities into the countryside – than we would have a new Uruguay. So far we are unable to think in this way.
The thing is you need to make a decision: Do you want, in the 21st century, to keep people living like they were in the 19th century, just for the sake of keeping a culture, or do you think people have the right to have internet, and electricity and a bloody phone and a fridge running in bloody summer? I am very sorry if that is going to take some part of the Gaucho culture but of course we need to change that.